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Gaily coloured resin figurines of Hindugods are plentiful in India’s hundreds of thousands of bazaars. Mostshopkeepers do not know where the figurines were manufactured or, if they do,will not tell. India increasingly imports mass-produced idols of Hindu deitiesfrom China—by the millions since 2000.

印度數以十萬計的集市上,色彩艷麗的印度教神像隨處可見,但是大多數店主不知道這些雕像是在哪里制造的,就算知道,他們也不會說出來。2000年以來,印度開始從中國進口越來越多的印度神像。

Demand is growing for such householddeities, along with rising incomes and a spirit of Hindu nationalism. MostIndians, 82% of the population, practice Hinduism and have a prayer area intheir home. Even the poor—about 500 million Indians earn less than $2.75 perday—can afford a few such items, with retail prices starting at $3.

收入的增加,以及印度教的民族主義精神,使得對這種神像的需求不斷增加。絕大多數印度人(占印度人口的82%)信奉印度教,在他們家庭里面,會有一個專門的祈禱區域,就算是印度的窮人(印度大約有5億人每天的收入不足2.75美元),也能買得起一些(印度教神像),這些神像的零售價從3美元起。



Scale: Most manufacturing in China is doneon a large scale—for example, an Indian producer may have three plasticinjection-molding machines, whereas a Chinese counterpart has more than 70.Larger scale means that overhead and fixed costs can be spread over more unitsof production, thereby reducing the cost per unit.

規模:中國大多數制造業都是大規模生產,比如,一家印度的生產商,可能有三臺注塑成型機器,而中國的生產商,有70多臺。規模更大,意味著管理費用和固定成本可以得到更多分攤,從而降低單位成本。

Productivity: A McKinsey report notes that “…workersin India’s manufacturing sector are almost four and five times less productive,on average, than their counterparts in Thailand and China, respectively.”Chinese workers may be paid four times the Indian hourly wage, but if outputper worker is more than five times greater compared with workers in India, thenChina has a competitive advantage. Analysts suggest the problem rests withmanagement and regulations, not labor. According to the McKinsey report, Indianfactories lag in automated equipment, capacity utilization, supply chains, andquality control. For example, few successful factory owners expand plantsbeyond 99 workers. Labor regulations are more complicated for plants with morethan 100 employees where government approval is required under the IndustrialDisputes Act of 1947 before laying off any employee, even if demand drops.Firms can go bankrupt, forced to pay monthly wages for years following a plantclosure. Likewise, the Contract Labor Act of 1970 requires government andemployee approval for simple changes in an employee’s job descxtion orduties.

生產力:麥肯錫的一份報告指出,“印度制造業的工人平均生產率比泰國和中國的工人低四和五倍。”中國工人的工資可能是印度每小時工資的四倍,但如果每個工人的產量與印度的工人相比,產出要多五倍,那么中國就有了競爭優勢。分析人士認為,問題在于管理和規章制度,而不是勞動力。根據麥肯錫的報告,印度工廠在自動化設備、產能利用、供應鏈和質量控制方面落后。比如,很少有成功的工廠主將工廠擴大到99名工人以上,對于擁有超過100名員工的工廠來說,勞動法規更加復雜,因為你在解雇任何員工之前,1947年制定的《勞工糾紛法》,會使得(解雇)需要政府的批準,就算你的產品需求正在下降。企業可能會(因此)破產,而你會被迫支付工廠關閉之后數年的月工資。同樣,1970年制定的《合同勞動法》,使得改變員工的工作內容或者職責,需要得到政府的批準和員工的同意。

Corruption: India and China both rank 79thout of 176 countries in Transparency International’s Corruption PerceptionsIndex 2016. The tie in rank masks differences. Corruption in China occurs at ahigher level, with less frequency and little impact on day-to-day operations.By contrast, bribery in India is petty and frequent, impinging on everydayactions such as getting an electricity connection, changing a job descxtion,or paying a bill. Ultimately, India’s pervasive corruption is morepsychologically and economically debilitating than China’s.

腐敗:在透明國際2016年發布的腐敗指數中,印度和中國在176個國家中,排名都是第79位,但是這種排名有區別,中國的腐敗,頻率更低,對日常工作的的影響很小,而相比之下在印度,貪污賄賂很常見,而且經常發生,會直接影響到日常的工作,比如接通電源、改變工作內容或者支付賬單等等。總的說來,印度普遍存在的腐敗,在經濟(發展)上比不過中國。

The Modi government has promised to amendlabor laws to reduce the number of strikes and slow-downs. With more than 16,000distinct unxs, each affiliated with a plethora of political parties, theIndian economy loses up to 23 million person-days each year from labor actions.

牧笛政府承諾修改勞動法,來減少罷工和生產力低下,但是印度有超過16000個不同的工會,每個工會,都與眾多的政黨有著關聯,由于勞工運動,在經濟層面上,印度每一年的損失多達2300萬人日(的工作量)。

Transport: The distance from Guangzhou inChina to Mumbai is five times greater than that between Delhi to Mumbai. Butcargo costs for the 7,300 kilometers by sea are roughly comparable to truckfreight for the internal, 1,400 kilometers by road. Assuming 25,000 Hindufigurines per container, with ocean freight costs averaging $1,000 percontainer from Guangzhou to Mumbai, the transport cost per unit is around 4 UScents. Assuming two 9 ton capacity trucks needed between Delhi and Mumbai, thecost per unit is also just under 4 cents, for less than one-fifth the distance.

交通:中國廣州到孟買的距離,是德里到孟買距離的5倍以上。但7300公里海運的貨運成本,與(印度)國內1400公里卡車貨運的成本大致相當。假設每個集裝箱裝有25000個印度教神像,從廣州到孟買的海運成本平均為每集裝箱1000美元,那么每單位的運輸成本大約是4美分。而假設在德里和孟買之間(運輸這些貨物)需要兩輛9噸重的卡車,那么每輛車的單位成本也接近4美分,只有五分之一的距離,但是成本少不了多少。



The World Bank compares 189 nations on“Ease of Doing Business” and shows a more benign business climate for Chinawith fewer regulations, lower costs of compliance, shorter times for approvals,and better legal recourse. On most indicators, Chinese businesses have a mucheasier time than their Indian counterparts in securing permits with fewerprocedures.

世界銀行將189個國家的“經商便利性”進行了比較,結果顯示中國的商業環境更加良好,阻礙性的法規更少,成本也更低,審批通過的時間更短,法定追索權也更加好。在大多數指標上,中國企業相比印度企業,需要走更少的程序,也更容易獲得許可。

Subsidies: Many of the 50-odd companies inChina that produce Hindu figurines attend trade fairs not only in India, butalso in Frankfurt and Las Vegas. Besides Hindu deities, they produce Christianand Buddhist figures and other household decorations. Marketing expenses aretax deductible, sometimes subsidized, and a culture of international marketingsavvy extends to even smaller enterprises in China.

財政補貼:在中國生產印度神像的50多家公司之中,有很多不僅在印度(有業務),而且在法蘭克福和拉斯維加斯也會參加貿易展覽會,除了印度教的神像,他們還生產基督教和佛教的神像以及其他的家庭裝飾品,而這些營銷費用是免稅的,有時候甚至是有補貼的,國際性的營銷文化,甚至已經蔓延到中國的小企業里面。



All said however, subsidies and incentivesrepresent but a small part of the explanation for China’s export success.Despite Modi’s “Make in India” campaign, India’s trade imbalance with China andthe world has only worsened. Eliminating unnecessary bureaucratic interferencecould help to turn India into a factory for the world someday.

但是,補貼和激勵措施,只是中國制造成功出口的一小部分原因。盡管牧笛發起了“印度制造”計劃,但印度與中國以及世界其他地區的貿易失衡,只會越來越嚴重,而消除不必要的官僚主義,有助于印度早日成為世界工廠。